The Education of Jesus in The Infancy Gospel of Thomas

I was recently gifted Simon Gathercole's new translation of "The Apocryphal Gospels" published by Penguin Classics (2021). I have been very pleased with the book overall, the introduction was brief, but surprisingly informative, the same with the introductions for each gospel work. The translations by Gathercole are very readable and the presentation of the translation text is free from versification and other marginal or interlinear distractions common with translations, further encouraging the reader to take in large portions of the text. 

One apocryphal gospel grabbed my attention in particular as I had not paid it too much attention when I had first read it years before; The Infancy Gospel of Thomas. The (attempted) education of the boy Jesus is a central theme of the apocryphal text, with three separate education events depicted. Paul Foster provides an excellent analysis of these accounts in the J. K. Elliott feschrift, "The Education of Jesus in the Infancy Gospel of Thomas," (pg. 327-347). The three accounts are located in chapters 6-7, 13, and 14, of Gathercole's translation.

Zacchaeus is given as the names of Jesus's first teacher,

"Now a teacher named Zacchaeus was standing by and heard Jesus saying this to his father Joseph. Dumbfounded, he said to Joseph, 'Look here, brother--entrust him to me so he can be taught to read and write, and study all fields of knowledge" (Inf. Gos. Thom. 6) 

Later in the chapter, Jesus is forcibly taken to "school" by his father Joseph so that he can be taught how to read and write.

"Zaccheaus wrote down the alphabet for him and started him on his elementary education. He said the same letter a number of times, but Jesus would not give any response. The teacher was peeved and clipped him around the ear. The boy was irritated at this. 'I should be teaching you, rather than being taught by you! After all, I know the letters you're teaching much better than you do. What you are giving me is like sounding brass and a clanging cymbal, producing neither sound nor thought nor any possible understanding!' When the child's anger abated, he spoke by himself all the letters, from alpha to omega, perfectly." (Inf. Gos. Thom. 6)

Jesus is only five years old in this setting and the recitation of all of his letters would be considered miraculous considering his youthful age. Augustine (ca. 400 CE) gives a similar account of receiving physical punishment while attempting to learn Greek language and literature

"But what was the cause of my dislike of Greek literature, which I studied from my boyhood, I cannot even now understand. For the Latin I loved exceedingly — not what our first masters, but what the grammarians teach; for those primary lessons of reading, writing, and ciphering, I considered no less of a burden and a punishment than Greek. . . . The difficulty, in truth, the difficulty of learning a foreign language mingled as it were with gall all the sweetness of those fabulous Grecian stories. For not a single word of it did I understand, and to make me do so, they vehemently urged me with cruel threatenings and punishments." (Confessions 1:13-14)

Later, in this same first education account in the Infancy Gospel of Thomas 6, the boy Jesus addresses the teacher Zacchaeus.

"'If you don't know the essence of the alpha, Jesus said, 'how can you teach beta after it? You hypocrite! If you're so clever, first teach me alpha, and then I'll believe you when you talk about beta.' Then he started questioning his teacher about the letter alpha, but the man did not know what to say in reply. A number of people were there listening in. 'Pay attention, sir,' Jesus explained to the teacher, 'and understand the arrangement of the first letter. Notice here how it has diagonal lines and a stroke in the middle, and then you can see the alpha's lines pointing and straddling, joining together and parting, leading off and going up, circling and darting, tripartite and double-edged, of similar shape and thickness and kind, rectilinear, equilibrious, isometric and isomeric.'" (Inf. Gos. Thom. 6)

This account is interesting in that it is similar to comments made by Irenaeus (ca. 180 CE) the "apocryphal and spurious Scriptures of the Marcosians." This indicates that these stories in The Infancy Gospel of Thomas likely date into the second century.

"Besides the above [misrepresentations], they adduce an unspeakable number of apocryphal and spurious writings, which they themselves have forged, to bewilder the minds of foolish men, and of such as are ignorant of the Scriptures of truth. Among other things, they bring forward that false and wicked story which relates that our Lord, when He was a boy learning His letters, on the teacher saying to Him, as is usual, Pronounce Alpha, replied [as He was bid], Alpha. But when, again, the teacher bade Him say, Beta, the Lord replied, First tell me what Alpha is, and then I will tell you what Beta is. This they expound as meaning that He alone knew the Unknown, which He revealed under its type Alpha." (Haer. 1.20.1)

The second education account in The Infancy Gospel of Thomas is brief and repeats Jesus's words concerning the alpha and omega. The third account is more interesting in that it describes an eight year old Jesus interacting with a book in a classroom setting.

"When he came into the classroom, he found a scroll resting on the reading desk. He took it but did not read what was written in it because it was not from the Law of God. Instead, he opened his mouth and made such awe-inspiring statements that the teacher sitting opposite him listened to him with pure delight, and urged him on to say more, while the crowd standing by was staggered by the holy matters of which Jesus spoke." (Inf. Gos. Thom. 14)

The parallels with the account in Luke 4:16-22 where Jesus enters the synagogue at Nazareth and read from an Isaiah scroll, are obvious. Though the Infancy Gospel of Thomas makes a point to emphasize that it was not a book of the Law and that Jesus did not actually read it. Though it is implied that he could have if he wished to. 

Collectively these three instances of Jesus's education are a fascinating snapshot of Greco-Roman education at the time. It appears that the author of The Infancy Gospel of Thomas was writing in a context where tutors, schools, and educational resources were abundant and affordable (Foster, "The Education of Jesus," pg. 339). Though these educational settings are likely idealized and exaggerated to some degree, they likely reflected realistic expectations of the author(s)'s context. This indicates that education was abundantly available in the region where The Infancy Gospel of Thomas was initially written in the second century and reflects at least an expectation of widespread basic literacy in the region.

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Foster, Paul "The Education of Jesus in the Infancy Gospel of Thomas," pages 327–347 in P. Doble and J. Kloha (eds), Texts and Traditions. Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott.
Leiden and Boston: Brill ( 2014).

Roman Bookrolls and Tablets in Kansas City Missouri

Roman Muse Sarcophagus (Nelson Atkins Museum of Art)

Last year I had the opportunity to visit the beautiful Nelson Atkins Museum of Art in Kansas City Missouri. If you ever get a chance, it is well worth the visit. Besides displaying famous artists like Monet, they have a modest collection of ancient artifacts, Egyptian, Greek, and Roman. One item in particular is a third century (ca. 240-260 C.E.) Roman marble sarcophagus that is quite striking for its detailed frescos. It is described as a “Muse Sarcophagus.” The museum description reads.

“The deceased, who stands in the center of this high relief, is flanked by five Muses to her right and Minerva with four Muses to her left. The Muses with their customary attributes appear in the following order (from viewer's left to right): Clio, Muse of history, with a scroll; Euterpe, Muse of music, with two flutes; Thalia, Muse of comedy, with shepherd's crook and mask of comedy; Melpomene, Muse of tragedy, with a club and mask of tragedy; Terpsichore, Muse of choral dance, with a lyre; Polyhymnia, Muse of hymns and religious dance; Erato, Muse of lyric and erotic poetry, with a cithara; Urania, Muse of astronomy, with a globe and staff; Calliope, Muse of heroic and epic poetry, with a stylus and tablet. The deceased holds a scroll, and Minerva, a spear. All the figures are standing. A striding griffin appears on each end of the sarcophagus and the back is plain.”

The provenance is given as “Excavated in the Vigna Casali, Rome, 1872.”

When I entered the room where the item was poised, I immediately noticed the stylus and tablet of the figure on the far right corner of the sarcophagus. In the close up images, the edges of the wax tablet are clearly seen. The flat spoon used for smoothing out the wax can be seen opposite the sharp pointed writing edge of the stylus. There also appears to be an ear extending out on the top edge of the tablet that has what looks to be a hole in the center, giving the appearance of a modern clip-board. Perhaps this was used for a lanyard that either allowed the user to carry the tablet, or to tie the boards closed (or perhaps to hang on the wall, see Herculaneum fresco below).

The far left corner represents the muse of history and she is shown holding an open bookroll. The hand clutches the rolled up portion of the volume that would have contained the text already read while the opposite portion of the book would have contained the unread text. What was intriguing about this particular fresco is that it depicts the unread portion of the roll curving back behind the book rather than curving inside towards the user (for example, as shown in the famous Herculaneum painted fresco of a boy holding an open bookroll below). It appears that the book is open to the final portion and the last bit of the roll is folded behind the roll and clasped with the fingers behind the rolled up portion of the volume (see my crudely drawn reconstruction below). The right arm of the history muse is broken off but it may be that the orginal figure had a pen in this hand. The strange way that the roll is being help open would allow for the freedom of the right hand for writing. Just as the poetry muse is writing in the wax tablet in the opposite corner, it may be that the history muse is being portrayed as writing in an open bookroll.

The other aspect of these two figures is the representation of a book and a tablet. It is fascinating that the poetry muse holds the wax tablet, a device that is easily edited and rewritten, while the history muse is holding a roll, an object that carries its own image of refinement, permanence, and legacy (see Pliny's comments here).

The roman woman herself is depicted in the center of the sarcophagus holding a bookroll in her left hand. I noticed that next to her right foot, what looks to be a bookcase with the muse of choral dance (holding a lyre) resting her left foot on the lid. Though the diameter is small, it matches other depictions of book boxes from the roman period (see Herculaneum fresco below).

The Nelson Atkins Museum of Art is definitely worth a visit, be sure to give this fascinating sarcophagus a look! 

Close up detail of muse with wax tablet

Muse with wax tablet on right corner of sarcophagus

The muse of history holding an open bookroll

Close-up detail of muse of history bookroll

Muse of history holding a bookroll

 

 

 

Muse of choral dance with foot on book case (?)

Fresco from Herculaneum showing a youth holding an open bookroll

Fresco from Herculaneum portraying an open book case

Fresco from Herculaneum depicting an ink pot, pen, bookroll with name tag, open wax tablet and stylus, and tablet hanging from nail. Notice the far right tablet that has an ear with hole in the top edge similar to that portrayed on the muse sarcophagus.

Chuck Norris CBGM Meme

The real reason the ECM volumes are being produced so quickly and with such a high level of quality! -- Chuck Norris IS the CBGM!

Paul's Autographs, Inspiration, and an Early Letter Collection

Many years ago, I published the following JETS article, "What are the NT Autographs?" the paper proposed that,

"in reference to the NT, the "autograph," as often discussed in biblical inerrancy doctrinal statements, should be defined as the completed authorial work which was released by the author for circulation and copying, not earlier draft versions or layers of composition." (see previous post here)

One of the wonderful things about online venues such as social media and blogs is that one can receive almost immediate feedback to published articles. One particular line of feedback that kept surfacing was "what about Paul's epistles? Perhaps Paul edited his letters and published them into a collection, would these be 'inspired autographs'? How would my definition handle this particular situation?"

I had originally intended to include a section discussing a Pauline letter collection but quickly realized that this topic moved the article in a new direction, away from the thesis and opted instead to excise the discussion all together and address the question more directly in a future publication (E. Randolph Richards has addressed some of these issues in his excellent work “Paul and First-Century Letter Writing"). I had written the article in order to specifically address the process leading up to publication and release, and not the collection/reception process, which is really where the discussion of an “inspired” Pauline letter collection belongs. It seems to me that speaking of an “inspired” or “inerrant” letter (or Gospel) collection conflates the inspiration of the scriptures as they were composed, with the reception and collection of these writings in the canonical process. Perhaps some see these developments as the same, but in my understanding, these are two very different phenomena. I see that the inspiration event concerns the inscripturation of God’s revelation to man and the canonical process concerns the reception, collection, and circulation of this revelation. 

With that said, Richards has argued that Paul archived his own letters in a personal notebook (pg. 218-223). I think that, considering what we know about ancient letter writing, this was highly likely (we are dealing with probabilities here and not absolute certainty). As people requested copies of Paul’s letters, either asking Paul directly, or asking his associates, then copies would have been made at that time from these archived copies (See this occurring in real time with Ignatius's letters in Polycarp, Phil 13.2). More than likely, an “official edition” of Paul’s letters, created from these archived copies, would have been “published” posthumously (Richards, pg. 223). This would account for the varying manner in which his letters were gathered (single letters, varying order of collection, etc.) In my mind, releasing a collection in this way is not “composition" rather it is fully in the realm of copying and circulation. Thus, I think that it falls outside the composition/inspiration process (the inscripturation of God’s revelation to man). Again, referring back to Richards’s discussion of inspiration (pg. 224-229), I think that it is more accurate to envision inspiration as an event or process over a period of time, one that includes the unique circumstances that each particular Christian community was experiencing, and Paul’s unique, letter addressing these issues. Therefore, even if Paul did gather a collection and polish them up, and release them at a later date, I am not sure that we can call this an “inspiration event,” if you will. This is where one’s theological leanings come into play. If one believes that Paul was dissatisfied with his letters and wanted to [edit:“correct them"] "polish them up" before publication, then the first versions did not perfectly convey the message that God intended his Church to read (i.e., they were not "inerrant").

If Paul did have a personal hand in collecting his letters and editing them into a more polished collection, then there raises the possibility of multiple versions of Paul's letters being in circulation. Benjamin Laird proposes this very possibility, suggesting that there were at least three different copes of the letter to the Romans made with three distinctive endings (Laird, "Creating the Canon," 61-62). There are several historical and textual problems with this suggestion, as I indicated in a previous book review. Setting these technical problems aside, if this were the case then there could be a situation in which there were three different versions of the letter to the Romans, each copied under the authority of Paul. In my suggestion above, only one of those letters would be truly "inspired," the version that Paul had made for the Church in Rome, the version that was made for the "inspiration event" (to use the conception of Richards). The other two versions of Romans would then be the products of copying, and the excised (or added) text would not be inspired in this understanding of the process.

The problem for modern scholars and theologians would be untangling this copying history. There would be no way to know with absolute certainty which version was the "first," intended for the original audience (such as Rome in the example above). Even though this textual history is complex, it does not mean that the text of Romans was never divinely inspired or inerrant, it means that our access to this text is limited by our finite human knowledge.

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Benjamin P. Laird, Creating the Canon: Composition, Controversy, and the Authority of the New Testament (Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 2023)

E. Randolph Richards, Paul and First-Century Letter Writing: Secretaries, Composition and Collection (Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 2004)

Codex and Canon

In New Testament scholarship it has been popular to attribute canonical motivations to the early Christian preference for the codex. Michael J. Kruger wrote that "Christians began to prefer the codex about the same time that the New Testament canon was beginning to take shape" (Kruger, Canon Revisited, 249). Likewise, J. K. Elliott stated that "canon and codex go hand in hand in the sense that the adoption of a fixed canon could be more easily controlled and promulgated when the codex was the normal means of gathering together originally separated compositions" (Elliott, "Manuscripts, the Codex and the Canon,” 111). John Meade has effectively argued against this view in "Myths about Canon," a chapter published in Myths and Mistakes in New Testament Textual Criticism. Drawing on his earlier work in The Biblical Canon Lists from Early Christianity, Meade has presented evidence from the various canon lists that explicitly list out books of the bible that were considered canonical, that is divinely inspired and worthy of study as scripture. These lists often contrasted with the Church father's own citation and use practices. To give just one example mentioned by Meade, Athanasius cites Genesis and the Shepherd of Hermas alongside each other in his De incarnatione 3.1, indicating to some that Athanasius viewed the Shepherd as equally scripture and canonical alongside Genesis. Yet, as Meade notes, Athanasius specifically refers to the Shepherd as non-canonical (Meade, "Myths about Canon," 259). This evidence indicates that the early Christians would include books considered "canonical" and those considered "useful" but not considered "canonical" bound together in the same codex. Meade concludes his chapter by suggesting that the "codex was primarily a repository of the varied and many books that Christians read" (Meade, "Myths about Canon," 275).

Considering Rothschild's and Coogan's articles on the codex and discontinuous reading, Meade's chapter in "Myths and Mistakes" further underscores the practical considerations of the early adoption of the codex. If canonical considerations were not the motivation behind the binding together of canonical and non-canonical books, then what was the common factor in adjoining these types of works? I believe that Meade gives the answer in the end, that the common factor was that these canonical and non-canonical books were both read. Canonical and non-canonical books were studied alongside each other and even cited in their theological works. This highlights the ancient practical need for a book form that would allow for the discontinuous access that study, writing, and teaching would necessitate.

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J. K. Elliott, "Manuscripts, the Codex and the Canon,” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 63 (1996); 105-122.

John Meade, "Myths About Canon: What the Codex Can and Can't Tell Us," in Myths and Mistakes in New Testament Textual Criticism (Downers Grove: IVP Academic, 2019), 253-275.

Michael J. Kruger, Canon Revisited: Establishing the Origins and Authority of the New Testament Books (Wheaton: Crossway, 2012).

Discontinuous Reading and the Christian Codex

Nag Hammadi Codex VI, opened at the center of the quire

The special issue of Early Christianity 12 published the presentations of the conference “The Material Gospel." It was organized by Jeremiah Coogan and David Lincicum and was held at the University of Notre Dame, Indiana, on May 31, 2019. I found two of the essays in the issue especially intriguing, Clare K. Rothschild's "Galen’s De indolentia and the Early Christian Codex," and Jeremiah Coogan's "Gospel as Recipe Book."

Rothschild's article gives five reasons for Galen's use of the codex in contrast to the bookroll. First, the codex format allows easy transportability for "repeated non-linear consultation" (pg. 35). Second, "open medium, meaning every page is instantly and equally accessible" to the reader (pg. 35). Third, the codex allows for the introduction of new material anywhere within the codex (pg. 36). Fourth, combining the information in Martial (Epigr. 1.66) with that in Galen's De indolentia indicate that the codex was "also a portable medium, ideal for travel" (pg. 37). Fifth, the codex format was intended more for private use (pg. 37). Applying these insights to the Christian use of the codex, Rothschild concludes,

"If use of the codex, as reflected in Galen’s letter-tractate De indolentia, can be extrapolated to understand early Christian usage of the codex, especially prior to the year 200 CE, we infer a utilitarian over an aesthetic purpose, with the combination of durability (transmissibility), accessibility, expandability, and portability as the format’s compelling attributes." (pg. 37).

Coogan's article compares the features of early Christian codices with features found in contemporary secular documents such as recipe collections and magical texts. Each of these share a common approach at accessing the material through discontinuous reading. What this means is that users of these texts do not read the material straight through from beginning to end. Instead, the texts are engaged with at various points where needed. Coogan compares the way a modern reader would engage with a phone book or dictionary as opposed to a novel or news article. The dictionary or phone book is accessed at various points wherever the relevant material is located in the text. Whereas a novel or news article would be read from beginning to end (pg. 41-42). Coogan concludes by arguing that,

"gospel codices invited nonlinear access and performative use in ways that paralleled other late ancient practical texts, such as ritual formularies, medical recipes, and agricultural manuals" (pg. 58).

I agree with Rothschild and Coogan that Christians seem to have preferred the Codex format for practical reasons. Along with the historical references found in Martial and Galen, there are theological considerations that may be behind the Christian preference. The two letters to Timothy in particular have several references to the study of the scriptures. In each of these passages, it is the practical application and teaching that is stressed.

"Until I come, devote yourself to the public reading of Scripture, to exhortation, to teaching." (1 Tim 4:13, ESV)

"Let the elders who rule well be considered worthy of double honor, especially those who labor in preaching and teaching." (1 Tim 5:17, ESV)

"Follow the pattern of the sound words that you have heard from me, in the faith and love that are in Christ Jesus." (2 Tim 1:13, ESV)

"and what you have heard from me in the presence of many witnesses entrust to faithful men, who will be able to teach others also." (2 Tim 2:2, ESV)

"Do your best to present yourself to God as one approved, a worker who has no need to be ashamed, rightly handling the word of truth." (2 Tim 2:15, ESV)

"All Scripture is breathed out by God and profitable for teaching, for reproof, for correction, and for training in righteousness, that the man of God may be complete, equipped for every good work." (2 Tim 3:16-17, ESV)

Each of these references combine the study of the scriptures with the teaching of the scriptures. This teaching and preaching includes exhortation to action and service (Hebrews 10:24-25). These are very practical and dynamic settings that would likely necessitate the discontinuous reading of the Christian scriptures. The letters to Timothy are likely Paul's last letters, setting the tone of ministry for Timothy to carry forward to the next generation and for generations to come. The second letter of Peter, also likely written at the end of his life, already made reference to a collection of Paul's letters. Peter's reference to Paul's letters appears to be in the context of study and teaching.

"And count the patience of our Lord as salvation, just as our beloved brother Paul also wrote to you according to the wisdom given him, as he does in all his letters when he speaks in them of these matters. There are some things in them that are hard to understand, which the ignorant and unstable twist to their own destruction, as they do the other Scriptures." (2 Pt 3:15-16, ESV)

Bookrolls could certainly be navigated for discontinuous reading by those adept to their use. Yet, the codex format is particularly useful for this type of access. Of course, the Jewish synagogue also had similar practical uses for their scriptures (teaching and exhortation), yet continued to read from bookrolls. Christian practice was different in that it was more mobile, with itinerate preaching (Col. 4:16), and less tied to a specific location, such as house Churches (Acts 1:13; 2:2, 46; 12:12) or meeting in public places (Acts 17:17; 19:9), than one would find in the Jewish Synagogue. This would seem to make the codex more inviting for discontinuous reading and study than the bookroll. 
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For earlier blog posts on the early Christian preference for the codex see the following links,

The Textual Mechanic: Revisiting the Shift from the Roll to the Codex Book Form

The Textual Mechanic: From Scroll to Codex: Early Christian Book Technology

The Frankfurt Amulet, The Epistle of Barnabas, and Nomina Sacra

Inscription digitally unrolled. Credit: LEIZA. / Prof. Dr. Markus Scholz

News of a paradigm shifting find hit popular news outlets late in 2024. An ancient Roman cemetery has been known since the 19th century in the Roman town of Nida near modern day Frankfurt, Germany. In grave number 134, a man aged around 40 years was excavated in 2018 and a small amulet was discovered underneath the chin of the skeletal remains. The grave goods such as an incense burner and a clay jug allow for a date range of around 230-260 or 270 CE.

Rolled silver amulet, ca. 230-260 or 270 CE. Credit: U. Dettmar, AMF

The amulet was worn around the neck and contained a rolled up silver foil with an inscription in Latin. Though the artifact was discovered in 2018, the foil was only recently "digitally unrolled." The Latin text is interesting because it has several Greek elements (see image below for Latin transcription).

The Latin text of the Amulet translated into English reads:

(In the name?) of St. Titus.
Holy, holy, holy!
In the name of Jesus Christ, Son of God!
The lord of the world
resists to the best of his [ability?]
all seizures(?)/setbacks(?).
The god(?) grants well-being
Admission.
This rescue device(?) protects
the person who
surrenders to the will
of the Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God,
since before Jesus Christ
bend all knees: the heavenly ones,
the earthly and
the subterranean, and every tongue
confess (to Jesus Christ). (Translation from Archaeology Mag)

The trisagion, the "Holy, Holy, Holy" is written in the Latin alphabet but uses the Greek word for Holy "AGIOS AGIOS AGIOS" (ἅγιος). Also, there are two places in the text where a nomen sacrum for "Jesus" (Ἰησοῦς) and for "Christ" (Χριστός) are used. The text also contains a loose quotation of Philippians 2:10-11 strongly indicating an early and wide acceptance of this Pauline letter as scripture and authentically Pauline. Early because the wearer likely had worn the amulet for some time before he had died and was buried with it. Widely accepted because the letter to the Philippians circulated in Greek and would have had to have been translated in Latin, then circulated as a Latin copy before it's text was incorporated into the text of the amulet. 

Edit: Another scenario occurred to me after initially publishing this blog post. There is a possibility that this is an old hymn that had circulated very early in Christian communities. It has long been thought that this passage in Philippians was a hymn that Paul had incorporated into his letter to the Philippians.

Close-up detail of IH and XP of Nomina Sacra

What is very interesting here is the choice of nomen sacrum for Jesus, it uses suspension of the Greek word for Jesus, ιη(σους), leaving the majuscule, letters ΙΗ. It is intriguing that the iota is superimposed over the eta and is extended vertically to such a degree that it intersects with the customary supralinear stroke so that it forms a cross. All three instances of the nomen sacrum for Jesus are written in this manner so the cross shape appears to have been intentional. Another aspect of this nomen sacrum for Jesus is that it is the earliest known that is mentioned in a literary text. In a well known passage in the Epistle of Barnabas 9:7-8 the author refers to this scribal convention.

"Learn abundantly, therefore, children of love, about everything: Abraham, who first instituted circumcision, looked forward in the spirit to Jesus when he circumcised, having received the teaching of the three letters. For it says: "And Abaraham circumcised ten and eight and three hundred men of his household." What, then, is the knowledge that was given to him? Observe that it mentions the "ten and eight" first, and then after an interval the "three hundred." As for the "ten and eight," the I is ten and the H is eight; thus you have "Jesus." And because the cross, which is shaped like the T, was destined to convey grace, it mentions also the "three hundred." So he reveals Jesus in the two letters, and the cross in the other one. He who placed within us the implanted gift of his covenant understands." (Barn. 9.7-8; Holmes, Apostolic Fathers, 299)

This is referring to a story out of Genesis 14:14 where Abraham takes 318 servants to rescue Lot, where Barnabas see symbolic significance in the number of the servants. In the Greek number system 300 was designated by the Greek letter tau, a "T" shaped letter, and 18 was designated by the Greek letter combination IH. The author of Barnabas is obviously referring to the nomen sacrum for Jesus. Larry Hurtado has argued that this nomen sacrum was the first and led to the widespread Christian practice that in later centuries, expanded to include more sacred names. Though no Greek letter tau is present in the Frankfurt amulet, the scribe created a cross with the iota and supralinear stroke. Barnabas is typically dated to sometime before the Bar Kokhba revolt in 132 CE, so this is a very early example of something like what we see 100 years later in the Frankfurt Amulet inscription. What is unique in this amulet is that this Greek nomen sacrum is found in a Latin text. This indicates that by the mid third century CE this nomen sacrum had been in use for some time and had been transfered into the Latin text.

Clement of Alexandria mentions this same story in Genesis 14:14 about 200 CE and derives similar symbolic meaning.

"As then in astronomy we have Abraham as an instance, so also in arithmetic we have the same Abraham.“For, hearing that Lot was taken captive, and having numbered his own servants, born in his house, 318,” he defeats a very great number of the enemy. They say, then, that the character representing 300 is, as to shape, the type of the Lord’s sign, and that the Iota and the Eta indicate the Saviour’s name; that it was indicated, accordingly, that Abraham’s domestics were in salvation, who having fled to the Sign and the Name became lords of the captives, and of the very many unbelieving nations that followed them." (Strom. 6.11; ANF 2:500)

The cross, or "T" shaped symbol, had become so familiar in Alexandrian Christianity that Clement could simply refer to it as "the Lord's sign." Clement refers to this symbolism as if it had been understood in this way for some time. So common in fact that some fifty or so years later it was found way up on the northern frontier of Roman Empire in a grave in the town of Nida 1,800 miles away.

(For further discussion on this passage in Barnabas, see the previous blog post here.)

Screen grab from 25:41 of YouTube Frankfurt Press Release

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Anna Lisa Lüft, "Archäologischer Sensationsfund. "Der älteste Christ nördlich der Alpen war Frankfurter"," hessenschau.de. 11 December 2024.

Dario Radley, "Silver amulet unearthed in Frankfurt grave Is the oldest evidence of Christianity north of the Alps," Archaeology News. 15 December 2024.

Holmes, Michael W., ed. The Apostolic Fathers: Greek texts and English translations. Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 1999.

Larry Hurtado, “The Origin of the Nomina Sacra: A Proposal.” Journal of Biblical Literature 117.4 (1998): 655–73.