Showing posts with label Greek palaeography. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Greek palaeography. Show all posts

Tuesday, November 10, 2026

The Aesthics of Palaeography

 

Garrick Allen, Professor at the University of Glasgow, published a paper in New Testament Studies in 2025 that suggests we "embrace palaeography as a practice akin to aesthetics, one that relies on observation and judgements about shapes to create new contexts for interpretation" (quoted from the Abstract). The article is open access and is available at the following link. 

Garrick V. Allen, “Studies of Shapes: Subjectivity in Palaeography and Understanding.” New Testament Studies 71, no. 2 (2025): 231–42.

Its great when scholars have the resources to make their published articles open access, I appreciate that very much. The article begins by discussing Frederic Kenyon's approach to palaeography in his 1899 work The Palaeography of Greek Papyri. In this landmark handbook, Kenyon lays out a method that was, in his view, more akin to a hard "science" with "objective" criteria for assigning dates (Allen, pp. 231-232).
This is then contrasted with more recent discussions of the discipline from scholars such as Brent Nongbri who has suggested in his work God's Library, that the practice of assigning dates with palaeography "can devolve into little more than an exercise in wishful thinking" (Allen, p. 232). This subjectivity and uncertainty in the discipline has urged scholars to seek other more "'objective' measures, like ink analysis, radiocarbon dating, paratextual analysis, digitally-enhanced analytical tools and artificial intelligence to aid in palaeographic judgments" (Allen p. 233).

Instead of tackling the subjectivity by suggesting other objective criteria, Allen explores "the potential of palaeography as an explicitly subjective enterprise" (Allen, p. 233). He does this by placing palaeography in "conversation with" another discipline referred to as "aesthetic cognitivism" which is defined by Allen as "a philosophical discourse on the value of artworks and the relationship between aesthetics, concepts of understanding and knowledge" (Allen, p. 233). Basically, Allen suggests that paleographers don't have to run away from the inherent subjectivity of palaeography, because, just like when evaluating a piece of art, cultural knowledge and understanding can be gleaned from the shapes and forms of the letters used in ancient writing (Allen, p. 234). He argues that "[p]alaeography, at the very least, contributes to aesthetic cognitivism by pointing out that all literature is material. instantiated by human actors working under multifarious conditions" (Allen, p. 236).

I don't want to completely summarize Allen's article because it is freely available and it should be read in its entirety. I do think that Allen helpfully frames the ancient writing practice in terms of art and this helps scholars evaluate their own approach to these manuscripts beyond attempting to derive a date of production. In some ways, palaeographers have already been doing this, as Allen points to discussions around manuscripts such as P46 and P45 and the relationship of the ellagance or inelligance of their writing styles with the mechanical quality of the copied text (Allen, pp. 237-238). I think that Allen is write to take ques from the world of art, because, as anyone who has encountered these ancient books in person, they can be magnificent in their own right as pieces of art, apart from the text that they convey.

Allen is nowhere devaluing the desire, even need, to use palaeography to date a manuscript, this is important and should be pursued (Allen, p. 238). He seems to be moving beyond this and even suggesting that scholars can engage in "though experiments, which Baumberger describes as idealised 'fictions designed to afford epistemic access to matters of fact that are otherwise difficult or impossible to discern...fictions contrived to reveal what would happend if certain conditions were met'" (Allen, pp. 238-239). It is worth one final quote block quote from Allen so you can clearly see his thesis;

 "Scholars have placed, based on palaeographic evidence (some more convincing than others), P46’s production anywhere between the first and fourth centuries ce.40 Instead of continuing to argue about the most likely point of production using new tools or approaches as one might be tempted to do, a gesture to aesthetic cognitivism creates space to consider the consequences of these conclusions. What pertains if P46 was composed in the first century as Young Kyu Kim has proposed?41 How and why do we value P46 differently if it was first produced around 200 or in the 320s? When were the copious corrections made, and what do they say about ancient views on this copy, the works it transmits and its actual uses in social situations? Playing out the consequences of these date ranges, even as hypothetical constructs, creates space for us to evaluate our own presuppositions and critical goals, to begin to explore the historical possibilities latent in contexts we assign to manuscripts." (Allen, p. 239)

I think that this is something that scholars of ancient manuscripts are already doing, they construct theories and postulate historical scenarios based upon when a manuscript may or may not have been produced. What Allen is doing here is basically giving permission to scholars that it is okay to not be completely certain about the date of a manuscript. Scholars can postulate historical scenarios and results and not have to keep getting bogged down in issues of objectively dating manuscripts. This is important because historical scenarios can themselves be dated through abduction. If a reconstructed historical model has explanatory power in itself this may help confirm other means of dating a manuscript, though, I don't think that is what Allen is suggesting here, it is one to consider.

Saturday, September 26, 2026

The Date of P75 and the Length of Kollemata in a Papyrus Roll

Image of Subatianus Aquila order to release a prisoner mentioned by Turner, "The Terms Recto and Verso," page 61 (see original image here)

In a newly published article in Novum Testamentum, Brent Nongbri argues for a secure fourth century date for P.Bodmer XIV-XV (P75) based on the length of kollemata used in the manufacture of the roll the individual codex pages were cut from. The article is open access and available at the following link.

Brent Nongbri, The Construction and Date of P.Bodmer 14–15 (P75): The Length of kollemata as a Criterion for Dating Papyrus Codices", Novum Testamentum 68.4 (2026): 518-538.

Here is the abstract of the article.

This article describes an underutilized criterion for assigning dates to papyrus codices, the presence of very long sheets (kollemata) in the rolls from which the bifolia of papyrus codices were cut. In the 1970s, Eric Turner argued that a shift in the production of papyrus rolls took place in the fourth century, at which point rolls began to be manufactured using kollemata much longer than the 10–30 cm kollemata normally used in the early Roman imperial period. The present article briefly discusses the manufacture of papyrus rolls, gathers evidence for longer kollemata, and places this evidence in conversation with P.Bodmer 14–15 (P75). The date of this manuscript has been the subject of some debate in recent years, and consideration of the length of its kollemata adds another, perhaps decisive, piece of evidence that this codex was produced no earlier than the fourth century.

Overall, the article is an excellent piece of detective work that summarizes the ancient manufacturing process of papyrus rolls mentioned by Pliny the Elder in his Natural History, 13.74-82. Nongbri assembles the very limited evidence that is preserved from antiquity. He examines several codices that were constructed with pages cut from rolls that were manufactured by pasting very long sheets of papyrus together.

Papyrus Bookroll made up of individual papyrus pages glued together, each seam, or kollesis is highlighted in red (illustration adapted from Turner, "The Terms Recto and Verso," page 14)

Papyrus bookroll illustrating how each codex bifolium were cut without regard for the kolleseis (illustration adapted from J. Scherer, Extraits des livres I et II du Contre Celse d’Orige`ne d’apre`s le Papyrus no. 88747 du Muse´e du Caire, Cairo, 1956)

Nongbri provides several examples of codices made from papyrus bookrolls with wide kollemata that can be securely dated to the fourth century and after. From these examples, and going off some statements by Turner, Nongbri makes a broader argument, that codices manufactured from rolls with wide kollemata can be dated to the fourth century or after based on this feature alone. Turner's comments about the width of kollemata are found in the following work.
Eric G. Turner, "The Terms Recto and Verso. The Anatomy of the Papyrus Roll" in Actes du XVe Congrès International de Papyrologie (Brussels: Fondation Égyptologique Reine Élisabeth, 1978), page 62.

At first glance, these observations by Nongbri seem to be solid objective evidence that P.Bodmer XIV-XV (P75) must be dated into the fourth century. However, there are a few problems with this argument that nulify these claims.

First, the date ranges of several of Nongbri's examples actually span into the second and third centuries. 

PGM I. Though it has been palaeographically dated from the third into the fourth or fifth centuries, recently, in a detailed examination using securely dated examples, Alberto Nodar has assigned this fragment to the third century (see the full open access article here).

PGM II + PGM VI. This magical papyrus has been palaeographically dated from the second to the third century (see summary here).

The Crosby-Schøyen Codex. This Coptic codex has been dated using Carbon 14 with a date span ranging from the third to the fourth century (see article here). It has also been palaeographically dated from the second to the sixth centuries.

Second is the passage in Pliny the Elder's Natural History 13.74-82 concerning the manufacturing of papyrus. I won't quote the passage in full, however, one section in 13.80 states, 

Claudius also increased the width of the sheet, making it a foot across. There were also sheets a cubit (44 cm) across called 'macrocola,' but examination detected a defect in them, as tearing off a single strip damaged several pages. On this account Claudius paper has come to be preferred to all other kinds, although the Augustus kind still holds the field for correspondence; but Livia paper, having no quality of a first-class kind, but being entirely second class, has retained its position.

erat et cubitalis macrocollis, sed ratio deprehendit vitium, unius schidae revulsione plures infestante paginas. ob haec praelata omnibus Claudia, Augustae in epistulis auctoritas relicta; Liviana suam tenuit, cui nihil e prima erat, sed omnia e secunda.

There are a few issues with this quotation from Pliny the Elder. Adam Bülow-Jacobsen, "Writing Materials in the Ancient World," in The Oxford handbook of Papyrology (pages 5-6) notes that there are many problems with Pliny's statements that betray his lack of firsthand knowledge of the process. One in particular concerns Pliny's comments that the wider rolls with a kollema width of one cubit length were not favored for bookrolls. This larger roll he referred to as the 'macrocola' (Latin: macrocollis) was not preferred because a strip of papyrus might come loose from the page and potentially ruin a large section of writing. Nongbri seems to make much of this fact and suggests that this may be the reason these rolls with extremely wide kollemata of a meter or more were made specifically for codex leaves. The problem is that despite what Pliny says here, the macrocola rolls were used for and seemed to have been favored for extralarge deluxe volumes. Cicero preferred these larger rolls when he wanted a particularly fine copy of a book made. To Atticus he wrote,

"I am sending you the same composition more carefully revised, indeed the original copy, with plenty of additions between the lines and corrections. Have it copied on large paper (macrocollum) and read it privately to your guests; but, if you love me, do it when they are in a good temper and have had a good dinner, for I don't want them to vent on me the anger they feel towards you." (Att. XVI.3)

In another place, Cicero wrote to Atticus,

"But what on earth is the reason why you are so frightened at my bidding you send the books to Varro on your own responsibility? Even now, if you have any doubts, let me know. Nothing could be more finished than they are. I want Varro, especially as he desires it: but, as you know, he is "a fearsome man; the blameless he would blame." I often picture him to myself complaining of this perhaps, that my side in the books is more fully defended than his own, though I assure you, if ever you come to Epirus, I will convince you it is not. For at present I have to give way to Alexio's letters. However, I don't despair of winning Varro's approval; and, as I have gone to the expense of a large paper copy (macrocolla), I should like to stick to my plan." (Att. XIII.25)

One could also mention Catullus in his Poem 22 where he makes reference to the use of "royal paper." This is often thought to be the same type of large format 'macrocola' roll, mentioned by Cicero and Pliny (see McDonnell, "Writing, Copying," page 479, especially footnote 44). This fact, that these larger rolls were actually used and preferred for books, brings some doubt on the rest of what Pliny states. It may be that other, larger rolls were being produced and used as well, especially in non-literary contexts (more on that below).

The third problem with Nongbri's argument has to do with Turner's own comments surrounding these codices cut from rolls with wider kollemata. Turner does state that a shift happened in the fourth century, but actually suggests that the phenomenon began in the third century.  Here are Turner's observations.

"6.2 However, starting in the fourth century a change in the process of manufacture must have taken place, for one begins to find sheets of greater breadth. . . . From inspection of the make-up of the Coptic codices from Nag-Hammadi J. M. Robinson has concluded that kollemata of "more than a metre" in breadth were used to make the rolls then cut up for the codices found there (Robinson 1975 p. 19; Robinson 1977). The quality of these sheets is far from fine: indeed they could only have been made by utilizing a length of stalk of the papyrus plant that manufacturers of an earlier age would have discarded (a consideration which incidentally reinforces the interpretation of "principatus medio" in Pliny n.h. xiii 74 offered by Bülow-Jacobsen 1976). Nevertheless it must be accepted as established that such a change in manufacturing standards and methods took place (possibly as early as the third century A.D.)." (Turner, "The Terms Recto and Verso," page 62).

To Nongbri's credit, he does bring this fact to light in his article, however, he states confusion over why Turner would suggest a third century date for the transition because "[t]he papyri he [Turner] mentions in the immediate context all date to the fourth century or later: (page 532, note 46)." What is striking, is that on the previous page, Turner discusses three examples of papyri with very large kollemata that date in the second or third centuries; these are given below (Turner, "The Terms Recto and Verso," page 61).

P. Oxy 37.2806 (see website here)

P.Oxy 37.2806. This is a Greek comedy that has been palaeographically dated to the second or third century (see website here). Only a fragment of the roll is preserved but in the 32.5 cm wide segment no kollesis was discovered and it is possible that, depending on how one places other preserved segments, the minimum width of the kolema was 40 cm. This is either a "macrocola" roll with a kollema of 44 cm as mentioned by Pliny, or this could have been one of the larger rolls (like those examined by Nongbri) used for a literary bookroll, we simply do not know.

P. Strasbourg 1.6. This is a documentary roll with 36.5 cm measured between the kolleseis and is securely dated to 244-261 CE (see website here).

P.Berol. 11532. This is a famous decleration that the Prefect of Roman Egypt, Subatianus Aquila wrote to Theon, the Governor of the Arsinoite nome, ordering the release of a man named Niger, son of Papirius (see the website here, and also here). The width of this sheet is 32 cm with no kollesis, so it had to have been cut from a roll made from pages at least this width.

These examples that Turner gives from the second and third centuries are probably what gave him pause and pushed him to suggest a shift in the third rather than the fourth century. When these examples from Turner are added to those second and third century examples given by Nongbri above, Turner's third century date is reinforced.

Finally, Turner originally suggested these rolls with wider kollemata may have been manufactured specifically for the construction of codices and Nongbri argues this in the article. However, perhaps these extremely long rolls were originally manufactured for use in a slightly different context. If we take a hint from the two examples given by Turner, (P. Strasbourg 1.6 and P.Berl. 11532) it may be that rolls made from extremely wide sheets were originally manufactured to be used for documentary purposes. The wide kollema would allow for varying sizes of individual sheets to be cut (such as the very wide prisoner release by Aquila) without having to take into account a kollesis. Along these same lines, many scholars have noted that the codex format had its origins within a "documentary" rather than a "literary" context (see the comments of Bülow-Jacobsen, "Writing Materials in the Ancient World," page 23). It may be that the rolls with wider kollemata were already being made for documentary use, whether to cut individual pages to be used as letters, lists, contracts, etc., or for codices used in a documentary context (See Galen, "On the Avoidance pf Grief," 31-33). It seems natural that some codices used for "literary" works may have still been cut from these rolls intended for "documentary" purposes. Note Turner's comments on these extremely wide rolls that the Nag-Hammadi codices were cut from, that the "quality of these sheets is far from fine" ("The Terms Recto and Verso," page 62). Perhaps it is because these codices were cut from very wide, poor quality papyrus intended for documentary needs. According to the very scant evidence discussed here, these rolls with wide kollemata began to be used for codices some time in the third century, but likely existed in documentary contexts much earlier. As the codex format began to be used in greater frequency in the fourth century, it may be that the market for these rolls with wider kollemata began to increase. Therefore, the fact that P.Bodmer XIV-XV (P75) was manufactured from a roll with extremely wide kollemata, according to the evidence, fits well within a third century context.

 _______________________

Myles McDonnell, “Writing, Copying, and Autograph Manuscripts in Ancient Rome.” The Classical Quarterly, 46.2 (1996): 469 - 491.

 

Monday, July 6, 2026

Papyrus Facsimiles from Manuscript Shop

I recently received a gift from Wes Huff of three facsimile papyrus manuscripts from the Manuscript Shop. I have been so impressed by the quality and attention to detail that I wanted to share some of the features of these museum quality replicas. The three manuscripts are P75, P52, and P46.

P75
The facsimile of the Pap.Hanna.1 (Mater.Verbi) papyrus, formerly known as Papyrus Bodmer XIV–XV (also known as P75) is an excellent representation of the original. Comparing the overall shape of the replica with the online images provided by the Vatican Library (page 2A.8r) reveals how exactly the outline was matched with the original fragment, even the worn through-holes and edges of the original are recreated. On page 2A.8r are preserved the titles of both the Gospel of Luke and of John. Zooming into the titles on the facsimile and on the online images reveals an exact match of the letter shapes and the darkness of the ink represented in the ink of the original letters, however, the replica reveals what appears to be some bleeding of the title letters (see image below). 

P75 Facsimile on stand

The stand has a very nice inscription that includes the reference of the biblical text preserved on each side


P52
The famous Rylands Papyrus 457, more widely known as P52, is housed in the John Rylands library at the University of Manchester in the UK. This facsimile is quite striking and it is difficult to tell the difference between the original and the replica. The letters in the P52 facsimile are more exact than the P75 replica and do not have the "bleeding" effect. Even with my poor quality photograph, when the original P52 and the facsimile are seen side by side, the likeness of the two pieces is quite striking. The P52 copy is unique in that the description and content of the fragment is etched directly on the plexiglass plate covering the papyrus rather than on the stand as with the P75 and P46 stands (though the online version for sale doesn't have the plexiglass etched).


P46
The last facsimile is an excellent copy of a page from P46 that is owned by the University of Michigan where it is assigned the shelf number P.Mich inv. 6238 (both the recto and the verso). The lettering on this replica is very sharp allowing the small details of the interlinear correction on the recto, third line from the top, to show clearly. There is very little "bleeding" in the lettering and the worn holes in the papyrus are mimicked quite well, though, as the comparison image shows, the holes in the replica are slightly larger than in the original. 

Closeup of the etching on the stand for P46


All three replicas with their accompanying cloth protective pouches.

Despite the minor details that I mentioned above (the slightly larger wear holes and the "bleeding" of the letters) these facsimiles are absolutely stunning and the craftsmanship and attention to detail shows at every level and thus, they seem to be priced very low for their level of quality (consider the hefty price tag of these comparative quality papyrus facsimiles). It would take someone very familiar with the originals to be able to tell that they were reproductions. I would guess that if these facsimiles were placed beside their original counterparts, it would be difficult to discern which was the replica and which the original. At the very least, they are museum quality and would be very useful as classroom aids in learning palaeography, textual criticism, or learning to read Greek. Besides these useful applications, these pieces are excellent additions to any collection for display, whether a seminary, university, home, or office library.

Monday, March 30, 2026

P.Bodmer II (P66), a Marginal Correction, and the Useful Life of Books

While re-reading James Royse's discussion of P66, I came across his brief mention of a correction at John 13:19a. It seems that the original copyist skipped over an entire line in their exemplar and omitted the following phrase in red, 

ἀπ᾽ ἄρτι λέγω ὑμῖν πρὸ τοῦ γενέσθαι, ἵνα πιστεύσηται ὅταν γένηται ὅτι ἐγώ εἰμι.

The interesting feature about this correction is that it appears to be the only correction not made by the original copyist of the manuscript. Here are Gordon Fee's comments in full.

"However, there is one correction which seems clearly to be the work of a second hand: the addition of απ αρτι λεγω υμιν προ at 13:19. The square μ and υ simply demand a second hand: in the original scribe’s hand (even in the corrections which are obviously his) these letters are always well-rounded. Although this particular hand does not seem to be clearly in evidence at any other point, it does indicate that a second hand has had access to the MS." (Fee, Papyrus Bodmer II, 59)

The script used in P66 has been classified by Turner as "informal round" which has letters that "are rounded but also seem flattened" (Turner and Parsons, Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient World, 21). Orsini and Clarysse have placed the script of P66 into their "Alexandrian Stylistic Class" which is characterized by letters that are "unimodular and looped, and the strokes end in apices (in the lower parts) and small hooks (in the upper parts); sometimes curves and flourishes are added at the end of letters." (Orsini and Clarysse, "Early New Testament Manuscripts and Their Dates," 458).

 

P.Bodmer II showing correction at John 13:19

When examining the interlinear correction at John 13:19 in closer detail, the difference in the two scripts is apparent. As Fee noted in the quote above, the μ and υ are markedly different, the correction being more angular and less looped and curved than the letters of the main text. Also note the difference in shape and the flow of the pen strokes in the way the alpha, mu, upsilon, and omicron are formed (these letters are highlighted in red below).

Closeup detail of John 13:19 correction in P.Bodmer II (P66). Compare the highlighted letters in the original script with those of the interlinear correction at the top.


Also, added to the difference in letter shapes is the difference in ink. It is difficult to see the details in the gray scale image, but it appears that the ink of the marginal correction is darker and the ductus is sharper with less fading from the ink. Again, it is difficult to tell from this image, but it appears to be a different ink that was used in the correction as compared to the main body of text. When comparing the script of the correction at John 13:19 with the more formal rounded biblical majuscule of the fourth and fifth centuries, clear parallels can be seen.

Closeup detail of John 13.19 in Codex Sinaiticus (top), Codex Alexandrinus (Second from top), Codex Vaticanus (Second from Bottom), and the Correction at John 13.19 in P66 (bottom).

I aligned the same text from John 13:19 with the text from three other codices in order to illustrate the close similarities between the style of script used in these manuscripts (in Sinaiticus and Vaticanus, the text spread across two lines so I altered the image so that the text from these manuscripts would appear horizontally together for comparison purposes). When looking at the overall letter forms, it seems that the scribe of the correction in P66 was using a very similar script to that used in these other manuscripts. This script is designated by Orsini and Clarysse as "Biblical majuscule" and they place both Codex Vaticanus and Codex Sinaiticus into this classification (Orsini and Clarysse, "Early New Testament Manuscripts and Their Dates," 451). According to Orsini and Clarysse, this script was used as early as the second century and they place P64+67+4 into an early stream of this style and assign a date of the late second to the early third century.

John 13.19 Correction in P66 (top) and detail from P4 (bottom)

Though the image from P4 is not as high quality, I compared similar letters from P4 with the correction at John 13:19 in P66 (highlighted in red above). There are definately close similarities between these scripts, especially with the more uniform thickness of the strokes, when compared with the corresponding thinner-thicker ductus of the fourth century codices. Therefore, purely on palaeographical grounds, this interlinear correction at John 13:19 could have occurred anywhere from the third century, into the fourth or even fifth centuries. However, the uniform thickness of the strokes in the P66 correction looks closer to the script in P4, so if this fact holds any chronological weight, then the correction is likely earlier rather than later within this 3rd to fourth century spectrum.

This correction indicates that someone was using P.Bodmer II at a date sometime after the book was produced, they noticed the omission by the copyist, and added the missing text in between the lines. It's possible that this correction occurred during one of the many rebindings that P66 underwent in its (apparently long) useful life. Nongbri has a detailed discussion of this rebinding in his treatment of the appearance of quire signatures in P66. The quire signatures could be from the orginal binding, or could possibly originate from a later rebinding. Either way, the quire signatures do not correspond with the latest binding preserved in the manuscript .According to Nongbri, quire signatures are first seen in the early fourth century so it is likely that multiple rebindings occurred on P66 in the fourth and possibly early fifth centuries (See the full discussion in Nongbri, "The Limits," 29-32).

 

P.Bodmer II detail showing reinforcement repair in the spine (highlighted in red)

P.Bodmer II detail showing reinforcement repair in the spine (highlighted in red)

 

 Figures 20 and 21 taken from Nongbri "The Limits of Palaeographic Dating of Literary Papyri," pg. 30, with the quire signatures highlighted in red.


If a third century production of the codex holds true, then the manuscript was used for about one hundred years before it was repaired sometime in the fourth century. It is possible, as Nongbri suggests, that at this time the quire signatures were placed in the manuscript and perhaps, the marginal interlinear correction at John 13:19 was made by the scribe who was facilitating the rebinding (highly speculative I admit). The manuscript continued to be used and the reinforcing strips and possibly another rebinding ocurred in the later fourth or even into the fifth century and the page margins (and the remains of the quire numbers) where trimmed. Then finally, the codex was deposited into its final location in the fifth, or perhaps (if Robinson's material is included in the same deposit) into the sixth or even seventh centuries (Nongbri, "The Limits," 25). That means that this manuscript was being used anywhere from 200 to 300 years before it was deposited into its final location (see earlier blog post here). 

One final comparison of scripts is worth noting here. P.Bodmer XIV–XV (P75) also contains a marginal comment that uses a similar "Biblical Majuscule" script as that used in the John 13:19 correction of P66. 


The marginal comments in P.Bodmer XIV-XV (P75) compared with the correction at John 13:19 in P.Bodmer II (P66) 
 

Though not an exact match, the marginal comments in P75 are very similar to the correction at John 13:19 in P66. Look especially at the two circled alphas, their shape and form is very similar, though they are not exactly the same hand because there are minor differences in the size and shape of the upsilon and the omicron, and the marginal hand in P75 has no serifs or hooks like those in the correction in P66. With that said, this indicates that these new testament codices were being used and read well into the fourth and fifth centuries. This corresponds with Houston's assessment.

"The identification of such collections, and of the manuscripts within them, provides new evidence on an old question: how long did a papyrus roll last? The evidence from our collections indicates that a usable lifetime of about 100 to 125 years was common and can reasonably be considered the norm; a small but significant number of manuscripts were still usable some 300 years after they were first created; and on rare occasions a manuscript might last, it seems, for half a millennium." (Inside Roman Libraries, p. 257)

____________________________________________

Fee, Gordon, Papyrus Bodmer II (P66): Its Textual Relationships and Scribal Characteristics (Studies and Documents, 34; Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1968). 

Houston, George W. Inside Roman Libraries: Book Collections and Their Management in Antiquity (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 2014).

Nongbri, Brent, “The Limits of Palaeographic Dating of Literary Papyri: Some Observations on the Date and Provenance of P. Bodmer II (P66),” Museum Helveticum 71 (2014): 1-35

Orsini, Pasquale and Willy Clarysse, “Early New Testament Manuscripts and Their Dates: A Critique of Theological Palaeography,” Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses 88 (2012): 443-74. 

Royse, James Ronald. Scribal Habits in Early Greek New Testament Papyri (NTTSD 36. Leiden: Brill, 2008).

Turner, E. G. Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient World (2nd edition, ed. P. J. Parsons. London: University of London, Institute of Classical Studies, 1987) 


Monday, December 15, 2025

Review of Garrick Allen, Words Are Not Enough: Paratexts, Manuscripts, and the Real New Testament

 


In the September 2025 issue of the Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society appears my review of,

Garrick Allen. Words Are Not Enough: Paratexts, Manuscripts, and the Real New Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2024)

My review of the book is positive, my chief disappointment being the lack of detailed discussion of commentary manuscripts. Here is my concluding assessment.

"Though Allen uses nonacademic language, the work is replete with extensive footnotes providing a well-researched and documented study. At nineteen pages, the bibliography is an excellent resource in itself, providing a ready starting point for research into this complex field. Overall, Words Are Not Enough is a welcome introductory work that meets a need in the broader field of NT manuscript studies." (JETS 68.3 (2025), 579)

Wednesday, August 3, 2022

Lincoln College Summer School of Greek Palaeography


Last week I had the wonderful opportunity of attending the 8th Lincoln College Summer School of Greek Palaeography at the University of Oxford (July 25-30, 2022). Originally the school was to take place in 2020, but due to Covid restrictions, the school was postponed until this year. The classes were composed of three elements; in classroom reading sessions facilitated by expert instructors; library visits in which instruction was given with manuscripts in various institution libraries; finally, with an evening lecture on a particular topic related to Greek palaeography. The in class reading sessions and the evening lectures occurred at the Ioannou Centre for Classical & Byzantine Studies, which was right behind the Ashmolean Museum off of St. Giles Street. This was a very nice facility, with a central location, and a close proximity to the Ashmolean that was nice to stroll through and read Greek inscriptions on lunch breaks and grab a quick bite on the rooftop restaurant.

There were twenty students in total organized into three separate reading groups facilitated by a different instructor. These instructors were, Dr Georgi Parpulov, Dr Christos Simelidis, and Dr Dimitrios Skrekas. I was in Dr Georgi Parpulov's reading group.

Each day of class we were greeted by this
Roman statue of a Greek athlete

(I will post pictures from each of the library visits below with each picture labelled for their location. WARNING: there are many pictures)
For the Monday library excursion visited the Christ Church library lead by Dr. Georgi Parpulov. The Christ Church library was a beautiful facility and the manuscripts were truly striking. One in particular had several paintings of the evangelists. To be honest, it was difficult to pay attention to the excellent instruction because the surroundings were so overwhelmingly beautiful and the codices were open before us in all their glory.

For the Tuesday library visit we made the first of two trips to the new Bodleian Library, called the Weston Library. Though the library was not as visually pleasing as Christ Church (there were no intricately carved wooden bookcases with volume upon volume stacked before us), the facilities were new and state of the art in the Horton Reading Room. Dr. Parpulov lead this visit for our group and the reading room had a large screen TV tied to a high quality camera that allowed Dr. Parpulov to point out features in the manuscript. After the presentation, the codices were laid out on the table and we were free to examine them in greater detail with either Dr. Parpulov or the curator turning the pages.

For the Wednesday library visit, we went to the Weston Library again, this time with Dr Dimitrios Skrekas facilitating the excursion and with a another curator. We were once again in the Horton Reading Room but with a new series of manuscripts. Unlike the last visit, the curator (a different one from the previous day) gave an interesting discussion on conservation practices and philosophy at the Bodleian. After the presentations, we were once again free to examine each manuscript and make observations.

My favorite library trip was by far the Old Magdalen Library at Magdalen College (pronounced Maudlin). It was facilitated by Dr. Nigel Wilson who was a wellspring of knowledge. The library room itself was something out of a medieval monastery. Ancient books lined the shelves and the windows looked past statues overlooking the cloistered garden. What was particularly enjoyable is that the Magdalen College policies allowed for us to handle the manuscripts ourselves. This provided great enjoyment flipping through the manuscripts and examining them in greater detail. Incidentally, I stayed on the Magdalene College Grounds, which are beautiful and well kept. The dining hall is fabulous and Addison's walk was lovely to stroll around in the evenings.

On Friday we had no library visits, only in class reading sessions. The school ended on Saturday with a three hour test in which we had to transcribe images of manuscripts. Overall, it was an amazing week filled with world class instruction, fantastic surroundings, ancient books, and meeting fellow manuscript nerds. I am grateful for the opportunity of attending the Lincoln College Summer School of Greek Palaeography.


Christ Church


Christ Church

Christ Church

Christ Church

Christ Church

Christ Church

Christ Church

Christ Church

Christ Church

Christ Church

Christ Church





Weston Library Tuesday Visit

Weston Library Tuesday Visit

Weston Library Tuesday Visit

Weston Library Tuesday Visit

Weston Library Tuesday Visit

Weston Library Tuesday Visit

Weston Library Tuesday Visit

Weston Library Tuesday Visit

Weston Library Tuesday Visit

Weston Library Tuesday Visit


Weston Library Wednesday Visit

Weston Library Wednesday Visit

Weston Library Wednesday Visit

Weston Library Wednesday Visit

Weston Library Wednesday Visit

Weston Library Wednesday Visit

Weston Library Wednesday Visit

Weston Library Wednesday Visit

Weston Library Wednesday Visit

Weston Library Wednesday Visit

Weston Library Wednesday Visit

Magdalen College



Magdalen College


Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College dining Hall

Magdalen College. Windows of the Old Library are to the right of the tower

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Addison's Walk behind Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College

Magdalen College