Codex and Canon

In New Testament scholarship it has been popular to attribute canonical motivations to the early Christian preference for the codex. Michael J. Kruger wrote that "Christians began to prefer the codex about the same time that the New Testament canon was beginning to take shape" (Kruger, Canon Revisited, 249). Likewise, J. K. Elliott stated that "canon and codex go hand in hand in the sense that the adoption of a fixed canon could be more easily controlled and promulgated when the codex was the normal means of gathering together originally separated compositions" (Elliott, "Manuscripts, the Codex and the Canon,” 111). John Meade has effectively argued against this view in "Myths about Canon," a chapter published in Myths and Mistakes in New Testament Textual Criticism. Drawing on his earlier work in The Biblical Canon Lists from Early Christianity, Meade has presented evidence from the various canon lists that explicitly list out books of the bible that were considered canonical, that is divinely inspired and worthy of study as scripture. These lists often contrasted with the Church father's own citation and use practices. To give just one example mentioned by Meade, Athanasius cites Genesis and the Shepherd of Hermas alongside each other in his De incarnatione 3.1, indicating to some that Athanasius viewed the Shepherd as equally scripture and canonical alongside Genesis. Yet, as Meade notes, Athanasius specifically refers to the Shepherd as non-canonical (Meade, "Myths about Canon," 259). This evidence indicates that the early Christians would include books considered "canonical" and those considered "useful" but not considered "canonical" bound together in the same codex. Meade concludes his chapter by suggesting that the "codex was primarily a repository of the varied and many books that Christians read" (Meade, "Myths about Canon," 275).

Considering Rothschild's and Coogan's articles on the codex and discontinuous reading, Meade's chapter in "Myths and Mistakes" further underscores the practical considerations of the early adoption of the codex. If canonical considerations were not the motivation behind the binding together of canonical and non-canonical books, then what was the common factor in adjoining these types of works? I believe that Meade gives the answer in the end, that the common factor was that these canonical and non-canonical books were both read. Canonical and non-canonical books were studied alongside each other and even cited in their theological works. This highlights the ancient practical need for a book form that would allow for the discontinuous access that study, writing, and teaching would necessitate.

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J. K. Elliott, "Manuscripts, the Codex and the Canon,” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 63 (1996); 105-122.

John Meade, "Myths About Canon: What the Codex Can and Can't Tell Us," in Myths and Mistakes in New Testament Textual Criticism (Downers Grove: IVP Academic, 2019), 253-275.

Michael J. Kruger, Canon Revisited: Establishing the Origins and Authority of the New Testament Books (Wheaton: Crossway, 2012).

Discontinuous Reading and the Christian Codex

Nag Hammadi Codex VI, opened at the center of the quire

The special issue of Early Christianity 12 published the presentations of the conference “The Material Gospel." It was organized by Jeremiah Coogan and David Lincicum and was held at the University of Notre Dame, Indiana, on May 31, 2019. I found two of the essays in the issue especially intriguing, Clare K. Rothschild's "Galen’s De indolentia and the Early Christian Codex," and Jeremiah Coogan's "Gospel as Recipe Book."

Rothschild's article gives five reasons for Galen's use of the codex in contrast to the bookroll. First, the codex format allows easy transportability for "repeated non-linear consultation" (pg. 35). Second, "open medium, meaning every page is instantly and equally accessible" to the reader (pg. 35). Third, the codex allows for the introduction of new material anywhere within the codex (pg. 36). Fourth, combining the information in Martial (Epigr. 1.66) with that in Galen's De indolentia indicate that the codex was "also a portable medium, ideal for travel" (pg. 37). Fifth, the codex format was intended more for private use (pg. 37). Applying these insights to the Christian use of the codex, Rothschild concludes,

"If use of the codex, as reflected in Galen’s letter-tractate De indolentia, can be extrapolated to understand early Christian usage of the codex, especially prior to the year 200 CE, we infer a utilitarian over an aesthetic purpose, with the combination of durability (transmissibility), accessibility, expandability, and portability as the format’s compelling attributes." (pg. 37).

Coogan's article compares the features of early Christian codices with features found in contemporary secular documents such as recipe collections and magical texts. Each of these share a common approach at accessing the material through discontinuous reading. What this means is that users of these texts do not read the material straight through from beginning to end. Instead, the texts are engaged with at various points where needed. Coogan compares the way a modern reader would engage with a phone book or dictionary as opposed to a novel or news article. The dictionary or phone book is accessed at various points wherever the relevant material is located in the text. Whereas a novel or news article would be read from beginning to end (pg. 41-42). Coogan concludes by arguing that,

"gospel codices invited nonlinear access and performative use in ways that paralleled other late ancient practical texts, such as ritual formularies, medical recipes, and agricultural manuals" (pg. 58).

I agree with Rothschild and Coogan that Christians seem to have preferred the Codex format for practical reasons. Along with the historical references found in Martial and Galen, there are theological considerations that may be behind the Christian preference. The two letters to Timothy in particular have several references to the study of the scriptures. In each of these passages, it is the practical application and teaching that is stressed.

"Until I come, devote yourself to the public reading of Scripture, to exhortation, to teaching." (1 Tim 4:13, ESV)

"Let the elders who rule well be considered worthy of double honor, especially those who labor in preaching and teaching." (1 Tim 5:17, ESV)

"Follow the pattern of the sound words that you have heard from me, in the faith and love that are in Christ Jesus." (2 Tim 1:13, ESV)

"and what you have heard from me in the presence of many witnesses entrust to faithful men, who will be able to teach others also." (2 Tim 2:2, ESV)

"Do your best to present yourself to God as one approved, a worker who has no need to be ashamed, rightly handling the word of truth." (2 Tim 2:15, ESV)

"All Scripture is breathed out by God and profitable for teaching, for reproof, for correction, and for training in righteousness, that the man of God may be complete, equipped for every good work." (2 Tim 3:16-17, ESV)

Each of these references combine the study of the scriptures with the teaching of the scriptures. This teaching and preaching includes exhortation to action and service (Hebrews 10:24-25). These are very practical and dynamic settings that would likely necessitate the discontinuous reading of the Christian scriptures. The letters to Timothy are likely Paul's last letters, setting the tone of ministry for Timothy to carry forward to the next generation and for generations to come. The second letter of Peter, also likely written at the end of his life, already made reference to a collection of Paul's letters. Peter's reference to Paul's letters appears to be in the context of study and teaching.

"And count the patience of our Lord as salvation, just as our beloved brother Paul also wrote to you according to the wisdom given him, as he does in all his letters when he speaks in them of these matters. There are some things in them that are hard to understand, which the ignorant and unstable twist to their own destruction, as they do the other Scriptures." (2 Pt 3:15-16, ESV)

Bookrolls could certainly be navigated for discontinuous reading by those adept to their use. Yet, the codex format is particularly useful for this type of access. Of course, the Jewish synagogue also had similar practical uses for their scriptures (teaching and exhortation), yet continued to read from bookrolls. Christian practice was different in that it was more mobile, with itinerate preaching (Col. 4:16), and less tied to a specific location, such as house Churches (Acts 1:13; 2:2, 46; 12:12) or meeting in public places (Acts 17:17; 19:9), than one would find in the Jewish Synagogue. This would seem to make the codex more inviting for discontinuous reading and study than the bookroll. 
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For earlier blog posts on the early Christian preference for the codex see the following links,

The Textual Mechanic: Revisiting the Shift from the Roll to the Codex Book Form

The Textual Mechanic: From Scroll to Codex: Early Christian Book Technology

The Frankfurt Amulet, The Epistle of Barnabas, and Nomina Sacra

Inscription digitally unrolled. Credit: LEIZA. / Prof. Dr. Markus Scholz

News of a paradigm shifting find hit popular news outlets late in 2024. An ancient Roman cemetery has been known since the 19th century in the Roman town of Nida near modern day Frankfurt, Germany. In grave number 134, a man aged around 40 years was excavated in 2018 and a small amulet was discovered underneath the chin of the skeletal remains. The grave goods such as an incense burner and a clay jug allow for a date range of around 230-260 or 270 CE.

Rolled silver amulet, ca. 230-260 or 270 CE. Credit: U. Dettmar, AMF

The amulet was worn around the neck and contained a rolled up silver foil with an inscription in Latin. Though the artifact was discovered in 2018, the foil was only recently "digitally unrolled." The Latin text is interesting because it has several Greek elements (see image below for Latin transcription).

The Latin text of the Amulet translated into English reads:

(In the name?) of St. Titus.
Holy, holy, holy!
In the name of Jesus Christ, Son of God!
The lord of the world
resists to the best of his [ability?]
all seizures(?)/setbacks(?).
The god(?) grants well-being
Admission.
This rescue device(?) protects
the person who
surrenders to the will
of the Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God,
since before Jesus Christ
bend all knees: the heavenly ones,
the earthly and
the subterranean, and every tongue
confess (to Jesus Christ). (Translation from Archaeology Mag)

The trisagion, the "Holy, Holy, Holy" is written in the Latin alphabet but uses the Greek word for Holy "AGIOS AGIOS AGIOS" (ἅγιος). Also, there are two places in the text where a nomen sacrum for "Jesus" (Ἰησοῦς) and for "Christ" (Χριστός) are used. The text also contains a loose quotation of Philippians 2:10-11 strongly indicating an early and wide acceptance of this Pauline letter as scripture and authentically Pauline. Early because the wearer likely had worn the amulet for some time before he had died and was buried with it. Widely accepted because the letter to the Philippians circulated in Greek and would have had to have been translated in Latin, then circulated as a Latin copy before it's text was incorporated into the text of the amulet. 

Edit: Another scenario occurred to me after initially publishing this blog post. There is a possibility that this is an old hymn that had circulated very early in Christian communities. It has long been thought that this passage in Philippians was a hymn that Paul had incorporated into his letter to the Philippians.

Close-up detail of IH and XP of Nomina Sacra

What is very interesting here is the choice of nomen sacrum for Jesus, it uses suspension of the Greek word for Jesus, ιη(σους), leaving the majuscule, letters ΙΗ. It is intriguing that the iota is superimposed over the eta and is extended vertically to such a degree that it intersects with the customary supralinear stroke so that it forms a cross. All three instances of the nomen sacrum for Jesus are written in this manner so the cross shape appears to have been intentional. Another aspect of this nomen sacrum for Jesus is that it is the earliest known that is mentioned in a literary text. In a well known passage in the Epistle of Barnabas 9:7-8 the author refers to this scribal convention.

"Learn abundantly, therefore, children of love, about everything: Abraham, who first instituted circumcision, looked forward in the spirit to Jesus when he circumcised, having received the teaching of the three letters. For it says: "And Abaraham circumcised ten and eight and three hundred men of his household." What, then, is the knowledge that was given to him? Observe that it mentions the "ten and eight" first, and then after an interval the "three hundred." As for the "ten and eight," the I is ten and the H is eight; thus you have "Jesus." And because the cross, which is shaped like the T, was destined to convey grace, it mentions also the "three hundred." So he reveals Jesus in the two letters, and the cross in the other one. He who placed within us the implanted gift of his covenant understands." (Barn. 9.7-8; Holmes, Apostolic Fathers, 299)

This is referring to a story out of Genesis 14:14 where Abraham takes 318 servants to rescue Lot, where Barnabas see symbolic significance in the number of the servants. In the Greek number system 300 was designated by the Greek letter tau, a "T" shaped letter, and 18 was designated by the Greek letter combination IH. The author of Barnabas is obviously referring to the nomen sacrum for Jesus. Larry Hurtado has argued that this nomen sacrum was the first and led to the widespread Christian practice that in later centuries, expanded to include more sacred names. Though no Greek letter tau is present in the Frankfurt amulet, the scribe created a cross with the iota and supralinear stroke. Barnabas is typically dated to sometime before the Bar Kokhba revolt in 132 CE, so this is a very early example of something like what we see 100 years later in the Frankfurt Amulet inscription. What is unique in this amulet is that this Greek nomen sacrum is found in a Latin text. This indicates that by the mid third century CE this nomen sacrum had been in use for some time and had been transfered into the Latin text.

Clement of Alexandria mentions this same story in Genesis 14:14 about 200 CE and derives similar symbolic meaning.

"As then in astronomy we have Abraham as an instance, so also in arithmetic we have the same Abraham.“For, hearing that Lot was taken captive, and having numbered his own servants, born in his house, 318,” he defeats a very great number of the enemy. They say, then, that the character representing 300 is, as to shape, the type of the Lord’s sign, and that the Iota and the Eta indicate the Saviour’s name; that it was indicated, accordingly, that Abraham’s domestics were in salvation, who having fled to the Sign and the Name became lords of the captives, and of the very many unbelieving nations that followed them." (Strom. 6.11; ANF 2:500)

The cross, or "T" shaped symbol, had become so familiar in Alexandrian Christianity that Clement could simply refer to it as "the Lord's sign." Clement refers to this symbolism as if it had been understood in this way for some time. So common in fact that some fifty or so years later it was found way up on the northern frontier of Roman Empire in a grave in the town of Nida 1,800 miles away.

(For further discussion on this passage in Barnabas, see the previous blog post here.)

Screen grab from 25:41 of YouTube Frankfurt Press Release

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Anna Lisa Lüft, "Archäologischer Sensationsfund. "Der älteste Christ nördlich der Alpen war Frankfurter"," hessenschau.de. 11 December 2024.

Dario Radley, "Silver amulet unearthed in Frankfurt grave Is the oldest evidence of Christianity north of the Alps," Archaeology News. 15 December 2024.

Holmes, Michael W., ed. The Apostolic Fathers: Greek texts and English translations. Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 1999.

Larry Hurtado, “The Origin of the Nomina Sacra: A Proposal.” Journal of Biblical Literature 117.4 (1998): 655–73.

Wes Huff, Joe Rogan, P. Ryl. 3.457 (P52) and the Gospel of John

Joe Rogan Holding up a facsimile of P52 that Huff made and presented to Rogan.

Christian Apologist and New Testament Scholar Wes Huff of Apologetics Canada appeared on the Joe Rogan Experience podcast. The interview has gone viral within the New Testament Textual Criticism communities in the online sphere particularly because of Huff's statements around the John Ryland papyrus known as P52 (shelf number P.Ryl. III 457).

It seems that everyone has wanted to jump into the discussion surrounding this fragment, including Brent Nongbri, professor of History of Religions at MF Norwegian School of Theology, Religion, and Society in Oslo. Over on his excellent blog Variant Readings, he listed several points of critique concerning P52 that Huff discussed on the Joe Rogan Experience. Nongbri has published extensively on the uncertainties of assigning dates to manuscripts using other non-dated papyri, especially with regard to P52. Despite Nongbri's obvious expertise I was a bit surprised by some of his criticisms of Huff's comments.

First was Huff's statements about the Christian use of the Codex. I had to re-watch that portion of the interview to be certain of the wording. When I first watched the interview I was in complete agreement with what Huff said, that Christians used the Codex exclusively with regard to their scriptures, which is absolutely true.Yet Nongbri seems to think Huff was arguing that ONLY Christians used the codex.

"The codex is “almost exclusively a Christian convention”: False. We have many codices that contain non-Christian material."

I don't think that this was what Huff was trying to convey when he was recounting the story to Rogan. Following are Huff's words in their full context.

"C. H. Roberts is, you know, literally going through these piles of manuscripts in these drawers that are being, like, stashed away and he finds this guy [P52], and he sees that it's written on both sides, which is almost exclusively a Christian convention. Because in the ancient world, they used scrolls. And the Christians, for reasons we're not entirely clear on, they start to make codices, books. Mhmm. And so, they write on both sides and so he says, okay this is written on both sides it's probably a Christian manuscript." (This at the 01:57:31-01:57:54 mark of the YouTube interview)

Nongbri's criticism appears to be taking issue with something that Huff never meant to say. It is most certainly true that Christians exclusively used the codex for their sacred writings, and this is likely what Huff was referring to and not that Christians invented the codex or that secular writings never appeared in the codex format. This becomes clear when his statements are taken in full context. In my hearing, Huff was highlighting the importance given in the discovery and publication by Roberts of the fact that P52 was the earliest known copy of a New Testament writing and it was a codex. In the description of the P52 in the Catalogue of Greek and Latin Papyri in the John Rylands Library Vol. III Theological and Literary Texts, it is in the preparation of this volume that Roberts "discovered" the Ryland's fragment, he notes that, 

"The fragment is part of a leaf of a papyrus codex and thus conforms to the almost universal rule that works of Christian literature were written in the codex form" ("Catalogue," pg. 1).

Along with this, in the editio princeps of P52, Roberts had this to say.

"The fact that it is part of a codex, not of a roll, need now cause no surprise; thanks to recent discoveries we are coming to regard the codex as the normal vehicle for Christian literature even in the second century." ("An unpublished fragment," pg. 12)

The fact that the fragment was so early (at least according to the dating conventions of the day) and that it was a codex played a part in the excitement surrounding it's discovery and publication and Huff was right to point this out.

In this info graphic Wes Huff gives details concerning the Christian use of the Codex. Note that Huff acknowledges that Christians did NOT invent the Codex and that Christian papyri only amounts to 20-40% of codices.

Second, Nongbri called attention to Huff's statement that the Ryland's fragment likely originated from Oxyryhnchus Egypt. Nongbri wrote.

"Most likely comes from Oxyrhynchus, Egypt.” Misleading. We don’t really know where this piece came from because it was bought on the antiquities market and not scientifically excavated. It’s possible that it comes from Oxyrhynchus, but Grenfell was buying from dealers elsewhere in Egypt in addition to the area of Oxyrhynchus."

The pushback by Nogbri about Huff's statement concerning provenance is hardly warranted. Roberts stated this about the fragment.

"Unfortunately, the provenance of the papyrus cannot be exactly determined. It was one of a large number purchased for the Library by the late B. P. Grenfell in 1920; the group to which it belongs consists of some literary texts and documents of the Ptolemaic and Roman periods, all of which are stated to have come either from the Fayum or from Oxyrhynchos." ("An unpublished fragment," pg. 24).

Not only does Roberts believe P52 originated in the Fayum or Oxyrhynchus, Nongbri himself stated that either of these locations were it's likely provenance. In his article, 'The Use and Abuse of P52: Papyrological Pitfalls in the Dating of the Fourth Gospel," Nongbri wrote in response to Roberts statements quoted above,

"Even absent that statement of provenance, we would be on safe ground assuming one of those two locales simply given the relative numbers of papyri discovered at those locations." ("The Use and Abuse of P52," pg. 27 footnote 14)

Therefore, if both Roberts in the editio princeps and Nongbri himself confirms that P52 is likely from Oxyrhynchus or from the Fayum, then Huff's statement was not misleading, it was on point.

Thirdly, with regard to the dating of P52 and the composition of John's Gospel, Nongbri has long taken issue with arguments like the one mentioned by Huff. It is worth quoting both Huff's comments, and Nongbri's reply together.

""But the unanimous consensus is that it’s comfortably second century, potentially beginning of the second century, which means that, this is found in Egypt; John is probably writing his gospel in Ephesus. So it has to be written by John, spread around, find its way to Egypt, copied and then end up in this manuscript, which means at minimum, you’ve already pushed the Gospel of John back into the first century, comfortably.” Very much debatable. This is the same story that was being told pretty much from the time of the publication of P52 in 1935. In older versions, the date of the papyrus was usually given as “circa 125 AD,” but here the rhetoric is a bit more slippery: “comfortably second century, potentially beginning of the second century.” But for the logic to work, that “potentially beginning of the second century” has to become “definitely beginning of the second century.” But the dating of P52 is not at all certain; it is just based on handwriting analysis, and there are good parallels for the script of P52 in papyri from the late second century and even the third century (see my 2020 New Testament Studies piece)"

A few things that should be noted here, one is the date range given by Nongbri. It is certainly true that this type of hand used by the scribe of the Rylands fragment has comparable examples into the third century. No one is disputing this. It is also true that, as Nongbri notes himself, these date ranges do not mean that P52 definitely dates to the early third century either. I really do think that Nongbri overstates his case somewhat. The fact that so many copies of John have survived, even if they all do date to the early third century, does say something about when the Gospel of John was composed. It at least speaks to the popularity and frequent copying of the text which reflects positively on its reception. It is certainly possible that P52, or even P.Bodmer II were copied in the second century. All Huff would need to do is change a few words of his comments and Nongbri's criticism would completely miss the mark.

"But the unanimous consensus is that it’s comfortably second [to early third] century, potentially beginning of the second century, which means that, this is found in Egypt; John is probably writing his gospel in Ephesus. So it has to be written by John, spread around, find its way to Egypt, copied and then end up in this manuscript, which means at minimum, you’ve already pushed the Gospel of John back into the first century, comfortably. [If the fragment dates to the early second century.]”

If these few minor changes were made and stated, then nothing that Huff claimed would have fallen within the realm of Nongbri's technical criticism. Along with this, Huff's comments were made in the context of the fragment's discovery. And with regard to the initial impact of the publication of the editio princeps, it certainly did have this affect on the consensus surrounding the date of composition for the Gospel of John.

Joe Rogan Experience #2252. Click Image for Link to YouTube Video

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Brent Nongbri, "The Use and Abuse of P52: Papyrological Pitfalls in the Dating of the Fourth Gospel," Harvard Theological Review, 2005; Vol. 98, p. 23-52.

Brent Nongbri, “Palaeography, Precision and Publicity: Further Thoughts on P.Ryl.Iii.457 (P52),” New Testament Studies 66, no. 4 (2020): 471–99.

C. H. Roberts, Catalogue of Greek and Latin Papyri in the John Rylands Library Vol. III Theological and Literary Texts (Nos. 457-551), Manchester: Sherratt and Hughes, 1938.

C.H. Roberts, "An unpublished fragment of the Fourth Gospel in the John Rylands Library," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 1936; Vol. 20 (1), p. 45-55.